Comparing fortifications

I thought readers might like to compare a couple of concepts and see which one they would find to be more astonishing if you were a Lamanite in Alma 49.

This is another chance to reach consensus if we just use common sense. Set aside everything Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery said and just look at the options.

Book of Mormon Central (BOMC) cites Becan as the ultimate example of a Nephite fortification created by Moroni. So does FairMormon (and probably all the other affiliates of BOMC). FairMormon gives us 4 images to consider, all of Becan. At least that’s somewhat scientific; BOMC gives us three illustrations of “a fortified Nephite city” (which is actually an unidentified rendition of Becan with the moat Mormon forgot to mention obscured by different coloration), “Captain Moroni’s Works of Timbers,” and “Nephite Fortifications,” all featuring the ubiquitous Mayan stone temples that appear in all the Mesoamerican artwork but not in the text.

Here is the place of entrance at Becan:

You have to cross the ditch (or moat) and fight off the defenders on either side, but it’s basically a straight shot. Not a problem with enough men.
And not very imaginative.
Here is the place of entrance at Fortified Hill in southern Ohio.
There are four places of entrance. Three are at the top of steep hills, and even then there is no straight shot. The fourth has a series of gauntlets an attacker would have to navigate. Here’s a closeup. 

Which of these would you find more “astonishing” if you were trying to attack?
The arrows in red show what the attackers would have to get through. Several layers of defenses, arranged like a maze, with defenders atop each of the banks of earth. And even if you survive the gauntlet, you’ve got a fresh army waiting for you at the end of the final passage.

Pretend you’re a Lamanite. You better hope you’re living in Mesoamerica and not Moroni’s America.

Source: Book of Mormon Concensus

Yet another lost opportunity-KnoWhy #158

People started contacting me early this morning about the latest KnoWhy brought to you by Book of Mormon Central. The title: “What Was the Nature of Nephite Fortifications?”

I’ll just give you a quick overview of my thoughts, emphasizing as always that the people at Book of Mormon are great people. They just have a particular point of view that I don’t share.

You won’t be surprised to see the entire KnoWhy seeks to promote a Mesoamerican setting.

The main references are to Alma 49 and 50. Mormon describes the banks of earth that were thrown up around the cities, with well-defended places of entrance. There were ditches and “works of timbers” “upon the top of these ridges of earth.” This was around 72 to 67 B.C., according to the chapter headings.

Despite the detail about the fortifications, Mormon inexplicably forgot to mention the massive stone pyramids the walls were supposedly defending, as depicted in all the artwork in the KnoWhy.

The KnoWhy offers as an example the “defensive earthworks at Becan (ca. AD 100).” Other sources put the date of the defensive construction at Becan at ca. AD 250. Readers of the Book of Mormon might wonder why such massive defensive earthworks were being built during a time in which everyone had all things in common and the people were living in peace. (See 4 Nephi.)

One answer: Mormon wasn’t describing anything that happened in Central America.

The author of the study of Becan, David Webster, noted that “It requires no particularly inventive mind or prior tradition of military architecture to conceive of a ditch as an effective barrier, and the simple expedient of heaping up the excavated material to form an inner embankment is an immediately logical extension of the latter.” Consequently, we would expect to find such fortifications “among many ancient cultures,” as the KnoWhy recognizes.

So it should not be a surprise to also find them among the Native American Indians in North America.

For example, the complex found in Ohio on land owned by Mordecai Hopewell enclosed about 130 acres. (The Indians who lived there have been named after Mr. Hopewell. Had his last name been Nephi, everyone would be calling these ancient people Nephites.) The walls were originally 35 feet wide at the base. Archaeologists have determined that the embankment wall and ditch around the Hopewell site were likely built after mound building was well established at this site.

That lines up with what the text says. Captain Moroni had his armies “commence in digging up heaps of earth round about all the cities, throughout all the land which was possessed by the Nephites.” Alma 50:1. Later in chapter 50, Teancum defeats Morianton. In Chapter 52, Moroni, Teancum and other chief captains have a council of war. They decide to entice the Lamanite armies “to meet them upon the plains between the two cities.” During Zion’s Camp, Joseph Smith identified Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois as “the plains of the Nephites.” He passed within about 70 miles of the Hopewell site. Referring to the Nephites by name, Joseph said he and his men were “roving over the mounds of that once beloved people of the Lord, picking up their skulls & their bones, as a proof of its divine authenticity.”

To Book of Mormon Central, none of what Joseph said is relevant.

While the Mayans in Becan were building defensive structures during the time of peace described by 4 Nephi, in Ohio, according to the National Park Service, “the ancient American Indians who built this sprawling structure [at Hopewell] were part of a cultural golden age that flourished in this region from A.D. 1 to 400.” Give or take 30 years or so, it’s a pretty good match to the Book of Mormon.

The Hopewell site was under cultivation for over 200 years, and archaeologists have not found any dateable features associated with wall construction. They can only observe the walls were built after the interior mounds were established.

Maybe that’s why Joseph identified the plains of the Nephites for us.

Source: Book of Mormon Concensus

Journey of Faith: The New World

Just when I thought I was finished with this blog, someone gave me a copy of the DVD Journey of Faith: The New World. I’d forgotten this DVD. This is a production of the Neal A. Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship, Brigham Young University. It comes with a solicitation for donations featuring the BYU logo.

This DVD is a topic I haven’t addressed before. I owe it to the faithful readers of this blog to discuss the DVD, but I’m posting my comments on the web page.

Source: Book of Mormon Wars

DVD-Journey of Faith: The New World

Someone recently gave me a copy of the DVD Journey of Faith: The New World. I’d forgotten this DVD. This is a production of the Neal A. Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship, Brigham Young University. It comes with a solicitation for donations featuring the BYU logo.

It’s available on youtube here. It was uploaded in 2012 and has had over 168,000 views. It is still attracting comments. I can’t imagine a worse way to introduce the Book of Mormon to the world than this video.

Here’s the introduction from the video:

“This film represents decades of rigorous scholarly research into the archaeology and culture of the lands where the Book of Mormon story likely unfolded.”

Guess where?

Yep, Mesoamerica.

The liner, which is also translated into Spanish and Portuguese, is more explicit: “Drawing upon decades of research from many of our finest scholars, Journey of Faith: The New World explores the lands and culture of ancient Mesoamerica, the most likely location for where the Book of Mormon story played out.”

I know, it’s appalling, but remember, in 2007 when the video was produced, we didn’t know as much about Church history as we do now. Back then, people still believed Joseph Smith claimed Zarahemla was in Quirigua and LDS scholars were trying to vindicate his words.

Now we know better, though.

The DVD can be summed up in the ironic words of one of the narrators: “It is very difficult for the Mesoamerican people to let go of their old habits because they feel that the Gods will no longer be pleased with them.”

I consider the entire production to be a nostalgic exploration of a once-prevalent interpretation of the Book of Mormon, but since it is still on youtube and so far as I know all of the participants continue to promote the Mesoamerican setting, I’ll go ahead and relate my thoughts.

Again, as always, I emphasize that I like and respect the scholars involved. I’m focused solely on the facts and reasoning of the arguments made. I’m not going to explore the entire DVD, but just give you an idea of what it contains. By now, readers of my blog could figure all of this out for yourselves.

The DVD uses video from Mesoamerica to explain that Lehi landed in Mesoamerica, where there was an established population. Lehi’s group found a complex civilization–the Mayans–and “integrated” with these other groups.

According to the scholars, “all the evidence” suggests the Book of Mormon took place in Mesoamerica.

As usual, Letter VII is ignored, presumably because it’s not evidence. Needless to say, no evidence from North America is even mentioned.

For that matter, the text of the Book of Mormon itself is ignored, except for convenient quotations, mostly taken out of context. The video depicts monkeys, jungles, huge stone pyramids–even volcanoes.

The usual suspects appear, telling us that the text describes Mesoamerica, with all kinds of speculation about how far people would travel. The narrow neck of land is 200 miles, for example. A day’s journey, and a day and a half. “We don’t run today like they did anciently.”

I guess not. At least, we don’t run 200 miles through equatorial jungles in a day.

Here’s an example of what the scholars are telling us to believe:

The land southward (mostly Guatemala) is supposedly nearly surrounded by water–except if you look at it, it is not. Notice that the land “southward” is actually “eastward,” extending in Yucatan more northward than the land labeled “northward.” The land “northward” is actually “westward.”

The Nephites migrated northward when Teotihuacan was founded. “It’s a city of cement.” Good luck finding a description of a city of cement in the Book of Mormon.

At one point, the video discusses temples. Scenes of Mayan pyramids are shown while the narrator explains that Nephi built a temple and says “the temple was the center of worship for Mesoamerican people.” Another narrator says “The pyramids in Mesoamerica are not temples; they are in fact symbolic mountains…. The temple structures on top of the pyramids constitute the temple itself.” The Mesoamerican setting would be clearer if only Mormon had not forgotten to mention the pyramids.

When Abinadi talks to the priests of Noah, he is not quoting the Ten Commandments from Exodus 20; instead, he’s relating Mayan concepts about the sky, earth, and water. You can believe that if you want. Or, you read what Abinadi himself said: “And now I read unto you the remainder of the commandments of God.” Then you can compare Mosiah 13:12 with Exodus 20:4 and decide whether Abinadi was citing the Ten Commandments or relating Mayan mythology about the three-tiered Mayan cosmos.

There is some wonderful circular reasoning. The Book of Mormon doesn’t tell us they met big established civilizations, but they must have because there were big established civilizations in Mesoamerica.

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There are some fun straw man arguments, too. For example, Teancum kills the king on New Year’s day. One of the scholars instructs us that “If the ‘heat of the day’ did them in at New Year’s time, we’re not talking about upstate New York, and/or we’re not talking about our normal calendar. Probably both. We’re probably talking about a place very different from what Joseph Smith knew and a calendar that’s very different from our calendar because New Year’s day is hot. It’s so hot that it leaves people just drained of energy and exhausted in their camp.”

Well.

Compare that to what the scripture actually says. Alma 51:33: “sleep had overpowered them because of their much fatigue, which was caused by the labors and heat of the day.” These men were fighting a war. They fought all day long. Of course they would be exhausted. The “heat of the day” could mean two things. It could mean the heat of the battle they had fought all day long. Or it could mean the temperature of the weather.

Let’s think about that. I know a few people think the entire Book of Mormon took place in western New York, but that makes no sense to me and it conflicts with what Joseph Smith said anyway. In the very next chapter, Alma 52, Teancum and Moroni hold a council of war to figure out how to lure the Lamanites out of their strongholds. They send a proposal to the Lamanites to “come out with his armies to meet them upon the plains between the two cities.” (Alma 52:20). Where are the plains of the Nephites? Joseph Smith specifically identified them as the land we now call Ohio, Indiana and Illinois.

What about the new year? The Nephites were keeping the law of Moses. The Jewish New Year is Rosh Hashanah, the first two days of the seventh month of the Hebrew calendar. This is usually sometime in September on our calendar. The temperature in that area today is in the 80s; last year, on Sept. 7th, it was 90 degrees in Columbus, Ohio, and 92 degrees in Indianapolis. Try fighting a war in that temperature, with high humidity, and you’d be overcome by the heat of the day, for sure.

The Jewish New Year element of Rosh Hashanah is a post-Babylonian exile development that Lehi may or may not have followed. (Scholars generally assume Lehi and his descendants knew nothing about post-Babylonian exile practices, but of course they could have made their own modifications to the traditions, they could have learned of post-exile practices by revelation, and other groups of Jews could have migrated to America besides Lehi and Mulek.)

Another possibility for the New Year would be the first new moon after the Vernal Equinox, which is sometime in March or April. In the last 100 years or so, the temperature in Columbus Ohio has reached 85 in early April. The Hebrew month of Nisan was used to calculate the number of years the king had reigned, so this makes sense.

There’s no reason to think the Lamanite New Year started on January 1 according to our calendar.

Once again, the scholars look through Mesoamerican lenses to see what they want to see. In this case, they use a straw man–upstate New York as the scene of the battle in Alma 51-52–to ridicule the idea that Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery knew what they were talking about. Then they completely ignore what Joseph said about the plains of the Nephites. They pile a framework of meaning onto an ambiguous phrase (“heat of the day”) and propose the Nephites were using a calendar that began January 1.

This happens every time I look into what these scholars are saying. The evidence they cite for Mesoamerica actually demonstrates that North America is the actual setting, and that Joseph and Oliver were not making things up or speculating.

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There plenty of “correspondences.” For example, there are “state visits” in the Book of Mormon, and “state visits” among the Mayan, therefore the Nephites were Mayans. (I’d like to know what human cultures did not have state visits between neighboring kingdoms.)

The Mayans had masks, so the Nephites were Mayans because Alma spoke about the image of Christ in your countenances. What human society does not have masks?

Mayan kings were considered to be divine, so King Benjamin emphasizes he is not divine; i.e., he was addressing Mayan culture. Or, you could remember that the Nephites often reminded the people of Egypt, where divine kingship was one of the fundamental tenets of ancient Egyptian religion. For that matter, I’m curious what culture does not consider their kings to be divine, or at least to have divine authority?

There would be many more correspondences, except Mormon forgot to include them (or Joseph translated the text incorrectly).

The more you look at this kind of explanation, the more you have to admire the capacity of human imagination.

The scholars explain how widespread ancient writing is throughout Mesoamerica. Again, Mormon forgot to discuss that in the text. Instead, he wrote about the people of Zarahemla, who had no writing for hundreds of years, and the Lamanites, who not only did not keep records but sought to destroy the records kept by the Nephites.

The best cure for those who still believe in the Mesoamerican setting is watching this DVD.

State-level society part 2

People have asked for more discussion of the tribal vs. state-level society issue. I think there is a lot of potential to move toward consensus by analyzing this issue, so I’ll go ahead and look at it some more.

As I pointed out in my previous post, societies are not either “tribal” or “state-level.” They are a fluid mixture, and to the extent there is a transition, it often progresses from tribal to chiefdom to state-level. And, societies can regress, as we see in the Book of Mormon where 3 Nephi 7 describes the murder of “the chief judge of the land” and a disintegration of society into tribes based on family relationships.

The result: “And it came to pass in the thirty and first year that they were divided into tribes, every man according to his family, kindred and friends; nevertheless they had come to an agreement that they would not go to war one with another; but they were not united as to their laws, and their manner of government, for they were established according to the minds of those who were their chiefs and their leaders. But they did establish very strict laws that one tribe should not trespass against another, insomuch that in some degree they had peace in the land…”

Of course, the disintegration into tribes was followed by the destruction described in 3 Ne. 8. This leaves us with two questions:

1. What was the extent of the brief state-level society enjoyed by the Nephites?

2. How much evidence of this brief state-level society can we expect to survive to the present?

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The article I mentioned postulated first that “The Book of Mormon unequivocally describes state level society, as well as the precise moment when complex Nephite government degenerated into tribalism 3 Nephi 7:2-4” and then “concluded with this: “State level society cannot be created out of whole cloth, not [sic] can it be explained away. A society either has it or it doesn’t. State level societies leave unmistakable traces that scientists recognize. No North American culture known to science achieved state level society during Book of Mormon times. Several Mesoamerican cultures achieved state level societies during Book of Mormon times. John L. Sorenson succinctly summed up the situation: “Only one area in ancient America had cities and books: Mesoamerica.” Mormon’s Codex p. 21.”

There are too many problems with these statements for me to address them all, but let’s discuss the extent of the brief state-level society enjoyed by the Nephites.

The article claims that “State-level societies support intensive populations… State level societies build large, well-organized cities and city states.”

The Book of Mormon gives us the actual population numbers for only one city: the city of Helam. Recall from Mosiah 18 that Alma took his followers and fled into the wilderness. In Mosiah 23:5, “they pitched their tents and began to till the ground and began to build buildings.” Alma refused to become their king, but he remained their high priest. In verses 19-20, “they began to prosper exceedingly in the land; and they called the land Helam. And it came to pass that they did multiply and prosper exceedingly in the land of Helam; and they built a city, which they called the city of Helam.”

According to the heading for Chapter 23, this took place from about 145-121 B.C.

Now, what was the population of this city?

450 people. (Mosiah 18:35).

About the size of a normal ward in the Church today.

Let’s generously say that in 20 years their population doubled to 900 people.

That’s the definition of a Nephite city. Everything else is speculation. All the commentary that the Nephties much have built “large, well-organized cities and city states” boils down to conjecture.

(Okay, sure, even the 900 number is speculation. All we really know is they started with 450 people and apparently built the city with that number. The scripture says they multiplied, not that they added population from outside the group. It’s impossible to know without having the demographics spelled out, but do the math using your own ward and see whether it would be possible to double the population over 20 years. (No fair using a Provo ward full of young married couples.)

🙂

Why does the text distinguish between villages, towns, and cities? (Alma 8:2 refers to villages and small villages.) Presumably, a village lacks a market and a town is smaller than a city. The text refers to only one market, and that was in the city of Zarahemla.

If the definition of a city is based on population, and the city of Helam (pop. 450) is a “city,” we can assume towns, villages, and small villages were even smaller.

The Book of Mormon refers to four “great” cities in the New World by name: Ammonihah (by implication, Alma 9:4); Zarahemla (Hel. 1:18); Moroni (3 Ne. 9:17); and another city called Jerusalem (Alma 21:2). This raises a question of whether the adjective great refers to size of territory or population, or just to a particular feature. Actually, passages that refer to “great cities” without naming them suggest the adjective “great” refers to defensive preparation; e.g., Helaman 8:6 “we are powerful, and our cities great, therefore our enemies can have no power over us.”

Nephi also referred to Jerusalem in the Old World as a “great city.” At the time when Lehi left, its population was about 25,000, but it was also fortified.

Even if great refers to population, we have a range of population for Book of Mormon cities of between 450 and 25,000 people.

So in the entire text of the Book of Mormon, we have some named great cities (presumably a maximum of 25,000 people, but probably much smaller) and lots of named and unnamed cities (minimum of 450 people) and even smaller towns and villages.

Nowhere does the text say these cities were built of stone.

You can reach your own conclusions about the extent of this “state-level society” and the amount of evidence that would survive to the present.

As for me, I don’t expect much evidence to survive the Alma wars, the Helaman political problems, the 3 Nephi descent into tribalism followed by the cataclysmic destruction, and the post-4 Nephi annihilation. About all I would expect to find are structures that the Lamanites could not–or would not–easily destroy.

Structures like monumental architecture such as massive geometric mounds of earth.

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3 Nephi 7:14 is not a bad description of the tribes as of the time when the Europeans arrived in America, although there were some wars between some of the tribes. For an overview of what anthropologists say, you can read the wikipedia article here. I have a draft manuscript that goes through this in much more detail, but I probably won’t finish it this year because of other projects I’m doing.

Basically, in my view the Hopewell culture corresponds to the Nephites, the Adena correspond to the Jaredites (“in this north country”), and the other North American cultures are a mixture of other Jaredite groups, other immigrants from Asia, and remnants of Adamic cultures. The Mesoamerican and South American cultures could include Jaredite groups, but are mostly immigrants from Asia. To the extent there are indicia of Nephite culture there, it would have been brought south by post-400 A.D. migrations.

Source: Book of Mormon Concensus

Frauds and Hoaxes

The other day I read a blog post about frauds and hoaxes related to the Book of Mormon. It made me think about what frauds and hoaxes have been most influential regarding the Book of Mormon. Maybe there is a potential to reach a consensus on this point.

The article mentioned the Kinderhook plates, the Newark holy stones (including the Decalogue Stone), the Las Lunas Decalogue Stone, and the Soper-Savage Michigan relics.

The article suggested a test for knowing these controversial “antiquities” are forgeries; i.e., they are out of context. “Genuine artifacts relate to their surroundings in discernible, reproducible ways.”

Hmm.

Isn’t that the argument made by those who claim the Book of Mormon itself is a fraud? Certainly Joseph’s account of the plates is not one that “relates to its surroundings in discernible, reproducible ways.” At least, I’m not aware of other ancient metal plates discovered in New York that relate a sacred history. Nor, if the Book of Mormon events took place in Central America, does the text relate to its surroundings.

Of course, the text is not out of context if the hill where it was deposited–the Hill Cumorah in New York–is the site of the final battles it describes.
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The four items that the article alleges are frauds and hoaxes are of minor significance, at best. I don’t know of any theory of Book of Mormon geography that relies on them.

In my view, there are far more devastating hoaxes that need to be carefully scrutinized. These have diverted tremendous resources, including millions of dollars and untold man-hours of research, writing, publication, and reading.

The anonymous article in the Oct. 1, 1842, Times and Seasons that claimed Zarahemla was in Quirigua may be the biggest hoax of all. I’m not aware of anyone today who thinks Quirigua could possibly qualify as Zarahemla. The ruins cited in the editorial post-date Book of Mormon time frames, as Stephens, the author of the books, mentioned. Related to that are two anonymous articles dated Sept. 15, 1842, that also claim these ruins date to Book of Mormon times. It is difficult to think of a hoax that has caused more confusion than these anonymous articles. They led directly to the development of the two-Cumorah theory, a theory that an Apostle has specifically said causes members of the Church to become confused and disturbed in their faith in the Book of Mormon.

Another hoax was the Izapa Stella 5, which, while an authentic artifact, was linked to the Book of Mormon for decades. LDS people have purchased replicas, framed them on the walls of their homes, etc. Mormon critics have long said Izapa Stella 5 has nothing to do with the Book of Mormon. Finally, within the last couple of years, at least one LDS expert on the topic has reached the same conclusion. When viewed in the context of the other Stellae at Izapa, it is apparent that #5 has nothing to do with the Book of Mormon.
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Much more could be written about the problem of frauds and hoaxes, but maybe this line of analysis will help clear the air among those who study Book of Mormon geography and we can set aside problematic claims going forward.

Source: Book of Mormon Concensus

On Smurfs and hammers

I keep thinking I’ve made the final post on this blog, but then something arises.

Lately people have been asking me why the LDS scholarly community continues to promote the Mesoamerican theory. The short answer is that the Mesoamerican theory is a rational interpretation of the Book of Mormon if you 1) Don’t know about or reject Oliver Cowdery’s Letter VII; 2) you think Joseph Smith didn’t know where the Book of Mormon took place and speculated about the setting; and 3) Joseph wrote or approved of anonymous articles in the Times and Seasons. Each individual can decide the merits of those propositions. In my view, the known facts–many of them relatively newly discovered–contradict those propositions.

When we learn new facts that contradict what we’ve thought for a long time, we can respond in a variety of ways. I can’t speak for anyone else, but I can offer some analogies.
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Years ago, I was working on a divorce case. The couple had minor children, and they worked out custody, no problem. They had assets and retirement and the rest, which they worked out, no problem.

But they had one remaining obstacle.

A Smurf collection.

They had some rare Smurfs they couldn’t replace and they were both so attached to them that they couldn’t agree on how to divide the collection.

It was an object lesson in priorities and emotional attachments.

People get emotionally attached to all kinds of things, and no amount of reasoning and no set of facts can overcome deep emotions.
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When our kids were young, we bought a toy that had pegs on a board and a hammer. You could pound the pegs until they were flush with the board, then turn the toy over and pound them back from the other side.

Except the kids didn’t just pound the pegs.

They thought everything they saw needed pounding with that hammer.

The common phrase “to a hammer, everything is a nail” is an example of the law of the instrument. It’s also called Maslow’s hammer or a Golden Hammer. The idea is that people tend to rely on a familiar tool.

Psychologists refer to this as deformation professionnelle. It’s a cognitive bias that “stops us from seeing the world the way that most people see it.” Instead, we see the world from the perspective of our own profession. On this blog I’ve posted comments about seeing things through lenses, which is another way of expressing deformation professionnelle.

There’s nothing wrong with deformation professionnelle so long as we are cognizant of it and adjust our thinking accordingly. This means having an open mind, which is very, very difficult, especially when it implicates one’s profession and life’s work.

I’ve made it plain throughout this blog that I have found a high degree of deformation professionnelle in the field of Book of Mormon geography. Perhaps more than I’ve encountered in any other field, actually. Two rhetorical techniques pervasive in the literature are good examples.

First, advocates of a particular theory create lists of “requirements” that just happen to be perfectly met by their preferred geography. To me, these are transparently circular arguments, but I see them all the time so some people must think they are meaningful.

Second, closely related to the first, a lot of manipulated expectations are set up, which again happen to be perfectly satisfied by whatever analysis is being employed. I addressed a recent example that involved an analysis of tribal vs. state-level society.

Lists and expectations can be helpful for analysis, but the analysis should start with the lists and expectations themselves. Lists and expectations based on deformation professionnelle are taken for granted by like-minded people and become nothing more than rhetorical tools.

I recommend that when you read an article or hear a lecture, you consider whether, and how, the content is driven by deformation professionnelle.
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I freely admit my own professions have affected my approach to these issues. I’ve mentioned in this blog that I also see things through the lenses of my professions. So here is a summary of my own deformation professionnelle. (This is just a quick summary, but feel free to add more examples in the comments.)

As a lawyer, I tend to think issues that can’t be resolved by negotiation can be resolved by appeal to a tribunal, based on presentation and comparison of facts and analysis. (In the case of Book of Mormon geography, negotiations about geography have obviously failed, so.the tribunal for now is each individual who reads, or even thinks about, the Book of Mormon).  Consequently, I enjoy the give and take of debate and argument and don’t take things personally. People remind me frequently of this deformation professionnelle–i.e., others do take things personally–so I’ve tried to tone down the rhetoric and sharpness. (There are two ironies here. First, I really like the people I’ve met who write and think about this topic, regardless of what they write and think. They’re all great people and I don’t intend to offend anyone. Challenge, certainly, because of the content, but not offend. Second, I thought I had been toning it down from the outset, which shows how severe my deformation professionnelle is.)

😉

This deformation professionnelle also leads me to object when the tribunal (each individual) hears only one side of a case. That’s why I keep harping on the monolithic approaches to Book of Mormon geography taken by the publications and institutions I can’t name without offending someone.

Another aspect of my defomration professionnelle–the lens through which I admittedly view the world–involves credentials. I’ve been in situations where competent experts (we call them expert witnesses) completely disagree. In the legal profession, you can hire just about any credentialed opinion you need to support your client’s case. I’ve also funded research at universities, where I learned you can get pretty much any result you want (within reason) depending on how you word the grant and select the recipient. Consequently, for better or worse, I tend to disregard credentials and focus instead on facts and analysis. As I’ve written before, PhD doesn’t stand for “open mind.” It doesn’t stand for “objective,” “rational,” or even “fair.” I don’t accept the rationale of deferring to someone because of their expertise. If their expertise can help them present facts and analysis, great. But it’s not the expertise that matters; it’s the facts and analysis that matter.

For better or worse, I also tend to separate emotional elements in my analysis because I recognize how emotion colors arguments and perceptions. I started discussing that in my blog post about white hat thinking.

As an educator, my deformation professionnelle leads me to think no two people learn the same way, so I try to offer as many different approaches as I can think of to convey information and encourage students to learn for themselves. I have also found that students are more interested in controversy and tension than in rote facts. They don’t like being told what to think. But of course some approaches don’t work for some students, and a lot of students don’t want to learn (or think) for themselves. (I can also see from the statistics that my “controversial” blog posts generate far more views than the “tame” ones. I don’t write click bait on this blog, but there may be a time and a place for that.)

As a business guy, I think common sense is more effective than rhetorical flourishes and semantic gymnastics. My deformation professionnelle biases me toward thinking that institutions and organizations tend to acquire and defend Groupthink. Preservation of and loyalty to the organization become high priorities, and an element of tribalism seems to materialize as soon as one joins “the team.” Consequently, disruptive technology (and ideas) are important for progress and improvement–and especially for the pursuit of truth. Organizations that respond effectively to disruptive technology succeed; those that don’t, fail.

And as an author, my deformation professionnelle exaggerates the impact of the written word. In reality, no one has the time or inclination to read yet another new book. But I also recognize there are decades of publications that express what I consider to be an erroneous ideology, so I indulge my deformation professionnelle and keep writing on this topic anyway.

🙂

Source: Book of Mormon Wars

Letter VII and Moroni’s America

x blogThe two most important terms to remember from this web page are Letter VII and Moroni’s America. Everything we do ultimately comes back to those two concepts.

Letter VII is one of eight letters Oliver Cowdery wrote about Church history, with the assistance of Joseph Smith. In Letter VII, he makes it unequivocally clear that the Hill Cumorah in New York was the scene of the final battles of the Jaredites and the Nephites. Joseph had the letters copied into his history as part of his life story. Letter VII was published in 1835 in the Church newspaper titled the Messenger and Advocate. It was republished in 1841 in both the Gospel Reflector and the Times and Seasons.

During Joseph Smith’s lifetime, there was no question about the New York setting of the Hill Cumorah. Today, though, many LDS scholars reject what Oliver Cowdery wrote because they think the “real” Cumorah is somewhere in Mexico.

We think every member of the Church should read Letter VII during 2016. If you haven’t done so already, do it right away.

When you read Letter VII, realize that Oliver Cowdery was the Assistant President of the Church when he wrote it. Joseph helped him and fully endorsed the letter.

Critics say that Oliver and Joseph never claimed revelation about the setting of the Book of Mormon. That’s not a true statement; the most we can say is that we have no written record that they claimed this type of revelation (although even that’s debatable given the things Joseph said Moroni told him). But it doesn’t matter whether they received revelation on this or not because they did say they had visited the room–in the Hill Cumorah in New York–where Mormon deposited the Nephite records. Anyone can read the text and see that Mormon put the Nephite records in the same place where he observed the final destruction of the Nephites. Because Joseph and Oliver (and others) visited that depository, they knew the Hill Cumorah in New York was the scene of the final battles.

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Moroni’s America is not just the name of this web page and related books. It’s a term that encapsulates several important principles.

First, Moroni holds “the keys of the record of the stick of Ephraim” (D&C 27:5).

Second, Moroni wrote specifically to us, emphasizing that America is a “choice land above all other lands” and that it is a covenant land such that “the Lord would have that all men should serve him who dwell upon the face thereof” (Ether 13:2). It’s critical for people to understand what land Moroni was referring to. Even though he and Joseph made it clear, many scholars have diverted the focus to Central America and other sites.

Third, General Moroni was a heroic advocate for liberty. Realizing he was defending liberty right here in America brings the text to life and adds even more meaning and relevance.

Agreeing to disagree

Questions about Book of Mormon geography are a means to an end. There is broad agreement on the ultimate objective of focusing on the Book of Mormon itself, in the sense of reading and applying its principles and teachings. For many of us, the geography and historicity issues improve our understanding of the text. These issues help many people dig into the text for themselves to find answers.

Although it would be great if everyone involved with Book of Mormon historicity and geography issues could reach agreement about the major issues, that seems unlikely for the foreseeable future. Instead, I think we can agree to disagree about a few basic issues.

One explanation of the phrase: The phrases “agree to disagree” or “agreeing to disagree” refer to “the resolution of a conflict (usually a debate or quarrel) whereby all parties tolerate but do not accept the opposing position(s).”

Agreements to disagree can result from different perspectives, as the cartoons illustrate. Walking around to the other side–a metaphor for seeing another person’s perspective–can clarify the source of a disagreement. We may prefer the perspective we start with, but at least we understand why the other person sees things the way he/she does.

People tend to think evidence will resolve disagreements. Sometimes it does, but many times it does not. Economists disagree about the meaning of the same statistics they are all using. Although each juror has heard the exact same presentations about the evidence, juries often can’t reach an agreement. Sports fans disagree about calls made during a game, even when they all watch the same replay.

Another component of disagreement is summarized in a question posed by Ray Dalio in his famous Principles statement: “How much do you let what you wish to be true stand in the way of seeing what is really true?” I posted an example of this regarding tribal vs state-level society, in which the article manipulated the Book of Mormon text and the archaeological evidence to support a long-held and pre-determined conclusion that the text and the archaeology support the Mesoamerican theory. The text and the archaeology actually support the opposite conclusion.

One philosopher who has examined the question of why people can’t agree concludes, “A multi-model understanding tells us that such differences may make conversion unlikely. Once we give up on conversion, we may look for those mutually beneficial accommodations that are possible even when models differ.”

That’s the kind of approach I hope everyone can take.

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Here are a few issues that I’ve already agreed to disagree with others about.

Hill Cumorah. Because I accept Letter VII, I think there is only one Hill Cumorah and it is in New York. Others don’t accept Letter VII and claim there are two Cumorahs, the one in New York being merely the place where Moroni deposited his plates, the other (where Mormon deposited the Nephite records) being somewhere else (Baja, Meso, Peru, etc.).

Book of Mormon terminology. Everyone likes to claim they are relying on the text, but of course they mean they are relying on their interpretation of the text. For example, I think terms such as narrow neck, narrow neck of land, small neck of land, narrow pass, narrow passage, and narrow strip of wilderness refer to different features. Others think they refer to the same thing, which leads to the common hourglass shape of many abstract and proposed Book of Mormon maps.

Anonymous Times and Seasons articles. I think the anonymous Times and Seasons articles that linked Zarahemla to Quirigua were not written or approved by Joseph Smith. Others disagree. I think these articles were the genesis of the Mesoamerican theory of geography. Others disagree with that, too.

There are many more, of course, but we can probably narrow it down to a dozen or so.
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One thing that makes agreement to disagree so difficult in a gospel context is we all presumably have an objective of finding the truth. We’re used to thinking “The truth shall make you free,” and “truth is knowledge of things as they are, and as they were, and as they are to come.”

I’ve had people tell me they are very uncomfortable with the idea of multiple views about Book of Mormon geography. That approach seems analogous to the approach to fiction generally; i.e., as long as we’re imagining a setting, no one’s imagination can be excluded from consideration.

I agree with those concerns, which is one reason why I think the New York Cumorah is so important.

But I think we need to let each individual make his/her own choice on each of these areas in which we agree to disagree. This is healthy, not only because it respects agency, but because it encourages individuals to dive into the text and decide for themselves.

A decision-tree exercise would help people navigate the issues. People who haven’t considered these issues before, or who are bewildered by them, or who sense a state of cognitive dissonance, could find the process rewarding.
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To make an informed choice, people must have access to information. This is why I consider the decades-long embargo on North American geography ideas to be counterproductive. I realize people are touchy about this subject, but ignoring the fact that major LDS publications (scholarly and popular books, articles, and web pages) have promoted the Mesoamerican theory to the exclusion of alternatives doesn’t help. It’s time to get real about this.

It is understandable, but not excusable, that the so-called consensus about the Mesoamerican theory has become the de facto standard. So far as I know, there is not a single editor of an LDS publication–not even a member of an editorial board–who accepts the North American setting. Mesoamerican ideas permeate CES faculty, including BYU. This has nothing to do with the merits, either. It’s a result of a collective Groupthink approach to the topic, and it contradicts the Church’s official policy of neutrality.

Most LDS people alive today have been raised with the Mesoamerican mindset. It permeates Church curriculum through the artwork. Editions of the Book of Mormon are still being published with Arnold Friberg’s Mesoamerican paintings in them. People who accept the Mesoamerican model don’t seem to realize how offensive the two-Cumorah theory is to thousands of members of the Church. The shorthand way to put it is that these faithful members agree with Joseph Fielding Smith and Oliver Cowdery.

More examples: every one of the affiliates of Book of Mormon Central promotes the Mesoamerican setting and opposes alternatives. I’ve specifically addressed BMAF and FairMormon as examples.

Consequently, members and investigators who are interested in these issues are presented with only one point of view: the Mesoamerican setting. When that doesn’t work for them, they either leave (or stop seeing the missionaries) or they enter the state of cognitive dissonance that gnaws at them. Some people can live with cognitive dissonance, but others resolve it by eventually leaving, or finding an alternative that makes sense to them–such as the North American setting.

I realize some people think that offering alternative geography theories will create its own cognitive dissonance for people. Many people just want answers, without having to think much about it. Maybe most people. They think, “Why should I study this if the scholars can’t even agree?”

That’s why it would be ideal if all LDS scholars could agree on a setting that integrates all the known facts from Church history, the text itself, and the sciences. But until that point, openly acknowledging the agreements to disagree is far preferable to pretending there is only one legitimate setting because the scholars have reached a consensus about it.

There is a risk of replicating the Pharisees vs. Sadducees scenario. Awareness of that risk mitigates the likelihood of it becoming a reality.
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What I propose is a set of points upon which we can agree to disagree. Each side explains its perspective on the points. Book of Mormon Central would be the host for the comparisons. To remain an affiliate, every organization would have to adopt a respectful approach towards non-Mesoamerican models. Individuals could continue to advocate one or another approach, but the editorial process would include representatives from other points of view to assure accuracy of published material when it purports to characterize the positions of alternative points of view.

Source: Book of Mormon Concensus